3.85 Fall and Rise of China: Old Ways Meet New Policies

Last time we spoke about the invasion of Sakhalin and the Portsmouth Treaty. The Japanese had defeated their enemy upon the land and sea, yet the reality was, both empires were ailing. They were both verging bankruptcy, but Russia held the edge in more troops and deeper allied pockets for loans. The Japanese sought the aid of President Theodore Roosevelt to usher a peace, but more importantly one that favored Japan’s war aims. With his advice, Japan seized Sakhalin to improve their poker hand. At the Portsmouth negotiations, the Japanese would be rather shocked to find their American hero somewhat championed the Russian side when it came to war indemnities. In the end Japan signed the Portsmouth Treaty and would face an outraged population back home. The Hibiya riots erupted, and now the Japanese felt betrayed by America. Yet what of China, how was this going to affect her?   #85 Old Ways Meet New Policies    Welcome to the Fall and Rise of China Podcast, I am your dutiful host Craig Watson. But, before we start I want to also remind you this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Perhaps you want to learn more about the history of Asia? Kings and Generals have an assortment of episodes on history of asia and much more  so go give them a look over on Youtube. So please subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry for some more history related content, over on my channel, the Pacific War Channel where I cover the history of China and Japan from the 19th century until the end of the Pacific War. The turn of the 20th century saw the Qing government face an unprecedented national crisis. The Boxer Rebellion did not go well. The Empress Dowager Cixi and the Beijing government literally fled the capital, not a good look. On January 29th of 1901, Empress Dowager Cixi, from her refuge in Xi’an issued an imperial edict in the name of Emperor Guangxu “After we moved out of the capital city, the empress has been constantly busy with state affairs. As emperor, I deeply regret my mistakes. In the past decades, problems have accumulated and been papered over as we mindlessly followed the old ways, leading to the calamity we face today. Now that peace negotiations are underway, we should reform all political affairs so that the country can become strong and prosperous”. To the Qing government she issued this “submit suggestions regarding reform measures within two months. The suggestions should be based on the current situation with reference to both Chinese and Western experience. Reform proposals should cover law, administration, people’s livelihood, education, the examination system, military affairs, and public finance. What should be continued and what changed? What should be eliminated and what combined? What should be done to strengthen China, develop human talent, reach fiscal balance, and build a strong army?’. Thus the Qing officials busied themselves looking into the matters and expressed their opinions in countless memorials. The most influential of these opinions would come from three memorials jointly submitted by the Governor General of Jiangnang, Liu Kunyi and the governor general of Hubei-Hunan, Zhang Zhidong.  The first memorial proposed 4 methods for improving education. It advised setting up schools of liberal arts and military academies. To reform the civil examination system, abolish the military examination system and encourage studies abroad. The second memorial proposed 11 measures to reform the administration. They should promote frugality, abandon outdated rules, cease the sale of office, reform official salaries, eliminate clerks and runners, bring more leniency to criminal punishments, change the policies for official selection, find new ways to support the livelihood of Manchu serving in the eight banners, eliminate garrisons, eliminate the Green Standard army and simplify literary formalities. The third memorial proposed 12 reforms based on Western practices. To dispatch intellectuals to tour the world, to adopt foreign military practices, a new military strengthening program, improve agriculture, further industrialize, enact some new laws on mining/transport and commerce, revise the criminal code, introduce silver coins, introduce a stamp tax, create a modern postal service, learn foreign medicine practices and translate more foreign books.  These memorials were approved by Cixi and would become the blueprint for the New Policy Reforms of the late Qing dynasty. On July 20th, Cixi issued another edict to affirm these ideas would be implemented ‘“For the sake of the dynasty and people, the emperor and I have no other choice.” The Zongli Yamen was officially changed to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Outdated posts were eliminated, such as the director general of the Yellow River and Grand Canal, governorship over Hubei, Yunnan and Guangdong provinces whom already held governor-generals, the court of sacrificial worship and the court of banqueting, those 2 last ones are something else arent they. For the military, traditional troops were disbanded or retrained as a reserve army or for police forces. The military examination system was abolished, new military academies were created. A military training bureau was created to train the “New Army” and a Ministry of Police took charge of public security instead of the wonky Green Standard system. To further economic development, a Ministry of Commerce was created. New regulations for chambers of commerce were promulgated. Business laws and provisional regulations for corporate registration were both promulgated. An exhibition center to encourage industrialization was set up in Beijing; vocational colleges were created; the Board of Revenue Bank was also created. On September 7th of 1901, the Qing government signed the humiliating Boxer Protocol and on the 6th of October Cixi made her glamorous return to the capital. China began a new approach with the west. On January 28th of 1902, the Qing court invited foreign ministers to the Imperial Palace ““The audience was conducted throughout with more formality and dignity and with greater outward show of respect for the foreign representatives than heretofore; the event was especially noteworthy as being the first occasion on which the empress dowager has openly appeared in an audience, and not behind the screen of gauze”. Qing officials of all ranks followed suit, trying their best to please the foreign representatives. The term walking on eggshells applies, the Boxer Rebellion had greatly pissed off most of the powerful nations. Thus the Qing dynasty was doing its very best to please both the foreign powers and its people, trying desperately to maintain its ailing rule. Yet the damage beginning all the way in the 1830’s was too much. The Qing government also did not outright abandon its autocratic ruling system, in many ways it was providing band aid solutions in the form of reform measures. In a rather dramatic fashion, in 1902 during the birthday of Empress Dowager Cixi a poem was read y Gu Hongming, the aide to Zhang Zhidong “Everywhere people sing about loving the state, but nobody sings about loving the people.The emperor enjoys longevity, and the people pay the bill; the emperor lives forever, and the people suffer.”Everyone gasped in shock. Moments like this highlight the reality of the situation. While the Qing government was tossing reforms left and right, they were not far reaching enough. There were also countless provincial and local officials who refused to adopt the reforms. One example was the governor of Guangdong, Shanxi, Henan and governor-general of Guangdong and Guangxi, yes the age old classic of too many titles on a single person, Zhang Renjun. Zhang was a hardcore conservative and thought the reforms would increase government expenditures and thus further aggravate the populace, in his words “The people are already exhausted and catastrophe will come if we keep exploiting them.” He also believed the dynasty would not benefit from the reforms. He was against the organization and training of a modern army, establishing chambers of commerce and sending intellectuals abroad to study. To the last point he believed the Chinese students going abroad would have their minds poisoned and come back ushering in revolution, he would not be too wrong there. Above all else, he had been a Qing official a long time and knew fundamentally most Qing officials were greedy morons. He was basically the Ron Swanson of the Qing Dynasty haha. He was stuck in some ways, but brought up pretty good glaring problems with the reforms.  After 1905 further reforms were established and there was talk of preparing for constitutionalism, perhaps setting up provincial assemblies with a national assembly, introducing local self-government and such. Yet dramatic change required dramatic change, ca-ching, it would be a heavy financial burden. The Qing government assigned the expense for the reforms upon the provinces, whom in turn apportioned costs upon prefectures and counties. Ultimately the money was being extracted from the common people, whom were already paying enormous indemnities for the Boxer Protocol. Alongside this government stipends for their officials were spearing, as the greedy morons, in Zhang’s words of course, lived lavishly. As you can imagine, the age old practice of fleecing the populace ran rampant. Qing officials were exploiting the populace for self gain. A German missionary working in China at the time, Richard Wilhelm had this to say “The Manchu aristocracy made use of the new chaotic conditions in order to feather their [sic] own nest. One reform crowded out another. A great deal of money was spent and nothing substantial was achieved. This state of affairs led to far-reaching dissatisfaction throughout the Empire. The officials, who were not given a clear and uniform lead by the authorities, were placed in the most awkward positions as a result of having to find money locally in accordance with the various edicts of reform which followed rapidly one upon another”. There were numerous flaws in the implementation of the reforms. A large reason for this was a lack of comprehensive planning. In terms of public financing, the reforms simply cost too much. For example, the cost for policing of a small province was something like 2 million taels, for larger provinces it was 3 million. A Qing official named Daungfang said of the situation ‘“As China is vast, if there were only two policemen per square kilometer, the annual expenditure for police nationwide would approach half a billion. The annual state revenue is insufficient to afford this expense, not to mention other reforms.” French diplomats aiding Beijing’s Police and military reform programs at the time had this to say “At least we can say that the Qing empire lacks wisdom and foresight, as it decided to establish 36 divisions and to regroup the navy in a great hurry, but failed to consider how to finance these large annual expenses.” Alongside the enormous costs of the reforms, there were those trying to profit from them as well. In 1911, the American sociologist Edward Alsworth Ross had this to say “In an educational center far up the Yangtse the authorities kept bringing out American teachers at great expense under a year contract and then at the end of the year replaced them with others no better qualified. Inasmuch as every shift calls for an allowance of $300 for travel money, the knowing ones suspect that some official gets “squeeze” on the travel money and that is the reason for the incessant changing of teachers”.  As reformed institutions were created, many officials seized the opportunities to get their friends and family positions forming cliques. One account had Tang Shaoyi, one of the Chinese who got to go abroad to study, received the appointment of General director over the Shanghai-Nanjing railway, the Beijing-Wuhan Railway and Vice Minister of Communications, it was said of his tenure “Into every vacant place in the Customs or the railways or in the ministry that came to his bestowal he stowed one of his own relatives by blood or marriage or one of his own Cantonese clan. Out of 400 appointments in the Ministry of Communications made during his tenure of office 350 were jobs for which he could be called to account’.  A lot of new taxes were introduced in the name of the “New Policies”, some added by the Qing government directly, some by local officials, hell even local gentry got involved in the fleecing. An imperial edict acknowledged it “In recent years, the people have been exhausted. In addition, provinces have extracted reparations from the people, robbing Peter to pay Paul, so that the people’s livelihood is ever more precarious. … Provincial governors have used all means to collect funds to finance local administration and pushed the people to desperation” A lot of schools sprang up all over China, nearly all of them offering studies in the natural sciences. Colleges of liberal arts and law offered Western social sciences, and this in particular opened new avenues to the Chinese. As the students embraced all kinds of new knowledge, they also took a critical eye to their society and current affairs. Many who were sent to study abroad came back and taught at universities, bringing with them revolutionary ideology.  On September 24th of 1905, Empress Dowager Cixi dispatched 5 ministers abroad; Zhen Prince Zaize, Minister of Finance Dai Hongci, Minister of the Military Xu Shichang, Governor of Hunan Duanfang and Prime Minister of the Business Department Shaoying. On November 25th, the Qing government set up a special institution to study constitutional governments of foreign nations, to provide guidance on their own constitutional reform. It was quite similar to what the Japanese did during the Meiji restoration, albeit quite late. Dai Gonci and Duanfang were the first to depart, traveling to the US to meet with President Theodore Roosevelt. Then Zaize led the rest to depart. At the end of 1906 they all submitted a report stating “the only way for the state to be powerful is constitutionalism”. This prompted Cixi to promulgate a decree on September 1st of 1906 announcing the “preparatory imitation of constitution”. By 1907 the preparatory office of the “Zizhengyuan Institute” Ie: parliament was created. Ming Lun and Sun Jiaxuan were appointed presidents of it. After this, constitutional guilds were established in all major cities within China. By 1908 a constitutional outline was published, showcasing civil rights and obligations; essentials of parliament and election law essentials.  Now for the military, in 1905 the Beiyang Army was reorganized into the New Army. Initially the Qing government planned to establish it as 500,000 regular troops over the course of 10 years, but they would only managed to train roughly 190,000 by 1911. By 1909 a Ministry of War was established to control the new army. Now back in 1904 a study was done, looking into what needed to be done for the New Army. The report indicated China should dispatch government officials to the provinces to make sure imperial decrees were being followed, this might seem like an obvious thing to do, but it had not really been enforced previously. There was a lot of huff and puff over who controls New Army units and a concession was made to allow provinces to raise them, but ultimately they took orders from the Qing court. The 8 banners were excluded from the reform. The report argued the need for specialized and educated officers for both the front lines and staff. Officer pay was increased in an attempt to thwart corruption. Officers were given detailed regulations and were expected to lead their men, not their drill instructors, who due to a lack of qualified officers were often employed to instruct the men. Officers therefore were pretty useless in battle and the soldiers had very little faith in their officers. The report called for standardization of weaponry and for the army to be divided into 3 categories as per the norms of western armies: the standing army was to be 1st class reserves; second class reserves for the regulars would serve 3 years, then they would return home and enroll in the first reserve for another 3-4 years. The army would organize into corps with 2 divisions each consisting of 2 brigades of infantry, 1 regiment of cavalry and artillery, 1 battalion of engineers and transport units. It was estimated each corp would cost nearly 3 million taels and divisions about 1.3 million. With an expected 36 divisions this would amount to 50,000,000 taels annually to grow the new army.  Taking a look at the political reforms, on July 28th the governor-general of Zhili province, Yuan Shikai submitted a 10 point memorial. He suggested creating a national assembly, Zizhengyuan, at the central level, while provincial assemblies would be set in provincial capitals and other assembles would be set up in prefectures and counties. For legislatures, he suggested finding qualified members of the provincial assemblies to be promoted to the national assembly. Now he was one of many to make suggests, others like Cen Chunxuan also made proposals. By October of 1907 an imperial decree was made “Provincial governors should promptly set up provincial assemblies in provincial capitals; fair-minded and enlightened officials and gentry should be prudently selected to take charge; and qualified gentry and citizens should select capable persons as members of provincial assemblies. … Local governments should carry out reforms, and the decisions made by assemblymen should be implemented by provincial governors. Provincial governors should report significant events to the provincial assemblies before they take initiatives. In the future, provincial assemblies shall promote some of their members to the National Assembly. If the National Assembly conducts inquiries, it shall send official documents to provincial governors to ask them to pass on the information, and also directly ask the provincial assemblies for response. If provincial assemblies have some issues, they shall inform the provincial governors and report directly to the national assembly for investigation”. In the end the Qing court favored Yuan Shikai’s ideas. Though they endorsed the ideas, the Qing court also had no plan to implement them. Because of this the provincial governors had no idea what to do. Lackluster and inconsistency resulted, prompting the Qing court to issue a Charter for the Provincial assemblies and election of provincial assemblymen on July 22nd of 1908. The Qing court basically gave the provinces a year to set up the assemblies. Now elections had never before occurred in China, officials and peoples had no experience with them. The process of preparing provincial assemblies, verifying the qualifications of voters, first, second round elections, organizing the sessions all required a lot of people and a lot of money. There was no way they were going to pull it off in a year. The Qing court began harassing the provincial officials and the first session of the provincial assemblies would convene on October 14th of 1909. There would be two regular sessions held prior to 1911. After pulling off the first session, provincial governors were under a lot of pressure to produce action. Ultimately most were too afraid to act on specific issues, corrupt or incompetent and this led to a large dissatisfaction. When the second annual session of provincial assemblies occurred there was a large amount of conflict. Issues like finally banning opium were hotly debated, many argued its poisoning effect on their society, while others argued the government would lose too much revenue from opium taxes. We haven’t talked about opium in quite some time eh? It honestly was a large problem until Mao Zedong's reign. The provincial assembly system had a lot of problems. The governor of Zhejiang province, Zengyun described much of them in a report he made in 1910 “One year after it was established, the provincial assembly has still accomplished little. … Assemblymen can point out problems, but few can articulate the reasons for them. … As China did not have this system before, legislators are confused. They do not know what issues should be discussed. A few persons with exposure to the law and politics of other countries have only a partial understanding and cannot cite appropriate precedents or articulate them clearly. Moreover, they cannot communicate well with others as most people are rather ignorant. Therefore, although decisions are made by majority vote, the assemblymen rarely support or reject proposals appropriately. During the thirty to forty days of the session, more than half of the assemblymen have not spoken at all. Constitutionalism was introduced with the aim of fostering communication between the government and people. I fear that if such problems persist, the government and people will be further estranged. It is particularly worrisome that the outcome would deviate so much from our initial aim”. There were countless reasons for conflicts between the provincial assemblies and governors. First the provincial officials tended to have a weak idea of constitutionalism and tended to not allow the provincial assemblies participate in public administration. Secondly, the new restrictions upon governors within the constitutional order hindered action. Thirdly the transition to constitutional rule was messy, for example the respective powers of provincial officials and assemblies were very vague. Fourth provincial assemblies tended to be insensitive to the real problems faced by governors. Fifth governors and assemblies had very different positions, responsibilities and thus priorities, conflict was inevitable. Lastly, the provincial assemblies often focused too much on trivial issues such as etiquette. Simultaneously while all of these reforms and debates were going on, something else was brewing, revolutionary fever. In September of 1905, a revolutionary named Wu Yue set off a bomb trying to assassinate the 5 ministers who were about to be sent abroad to study constitutionalism. On July 6th of 1907 Xu Xilian led a failed revolt in Anqing, but was successful in killing its governor. This incident sparked a lot of attention from the Qing court and provincial officials. The Qing government was in a tough spot, to them it seemed there were revolutionaries pushing for constitutionalism and those pushing against it. There were countless revolutionaries and revolutionary groups that had formed throughout the Qing Dynasty’s history. Many sought to re-establish a Han-led government, you know all those pesky Ming types. I obviously cant talk about them all, but there is one in particularly thats worth mentioning. In 1891 one man studying to become a doctor, met some friends in Hong Kong, many of whom were revolutionaries. One was named Yeung Ku-wan, and he was the leader of the Furen Literary Society calling to overthrow the Qing dynasty. The man went on to become a doctor and wrote a 8000 character petition to our old friend Li Hongzhang in 1894. His petition presented ideas for modernizing China. He traveled to Tianjin to try and personally meet Li Hongzhang and give him the petition, but was not granted an audience. It seems from the experience, Sun Yat-Sen’s heart turned to revolution. He departed China and traveled to Hawaii, a place that was basically a second home to him, he was educated there and had family living in Honolulu. In 1894 in Hawaii he founded the Xīngzhōnghuì “Revive China Society”. This would be the first Chinese nationalist revolutionary society and each person admitted to it would swear the following oath “Expel Tatar barbarians, revive Zhonghua, and establish a unified government”. Sun Yat-Sen returned to Hong Kong in 1895 and met up again with Yueng Ku-wan. Both men viewed the First Sino-Japanese war situation as a huge opportunity and resolved to merge their societies. Dr. Sun Yat-Sen became the secretary of the newly merged group while Yeung Ku-wan was the president. They had Lu Haodong design a flag for their society, the Blue sky with a white Sun flag. If you pull up a picture of the flag, the 12 rays of the white sun represent 12 months and 12 traditional chinese hours, it symbolizes the spirit of progress. Soon their society began to brush shoulders with some old friends of ours, the Tiandihui “heaven and earth society” and even the triads. Dr Sun Yat-Sen was associating with such groups to gain funds and aid in his global travel to support a revolution.  In 1895, the Xīngzhōnghuì unleashed their planned uprising in Guangzhou, thus earning the name the “first Guangzhou uprising”. On October 26th , Yeung Ku-wan and Dr Sun Yat-sen led Zheng Shiliang and Lu Haodong to Guangzhou intending to capture the city in a single strike. However their plans were leaked to Qing authorities. The Qing arrested many of the revolutionaries, including Lu Haodong who would later be executed. The uprising was a complete failure. Yeung Ku-Wan and Dr Sun Yat-sen were both sent into an exile for 5 years. Dr Sun Yet-sen spent his exile promoting revolution within China abroad. He went to Japan, the US, Canada and Britain. While in Britain Dr Sun Yat-sen was seized by the Chinese secret service and nearly smuggled back to CHina in an effort to be executed. James Cantlie working with the globe, the times and foreign office managed to get Dr Sun Yat-sen released. James was a former teacher of Sun at Hong Kong college for medicine and a lifelong friend. When Sun made his way to Japan in 1897 he befriended the Japanese politician Tōten Miyazaki who motived him towards Pan-Asianism. Sun would also befriend Mariano Ponce, a diplomat of the first Philippine Republic. During the Philippine Revolution and Philippine-American War, Sun helped Ponce procure weapons from the IJA. Sun hoped to help the Filipinos win back their independence so the Philippines could be used as a staging point for another Chinese revolution. Ultimately the Americans won and thus Sun’s dreams of allying with the Philippines vanished. On October 8th of 1900 Sun ordered the launch of another uprising, this time in Huizhou. A revolutionary army led by Zheng Shiliang, around 20,000 men strong, began a coup. This led his force to fight against the local Qing forces, with Sun working out of Taiwan promised to supply his men with ammunition from the Japanese. However, the Japanese got cold feet and the Japanese Prime Minister prohibited Sun Yat-sen from carrying out revolutionary activities on Taiwan. Sun tried to turn to the triads for help, but it simply did not pan out, thus after a month of fighting, Zheng Shiliang had no choice but to order the army to disperse.  After this Sun traveled to Bangkok in 1903 trying to secure funds. On Yaowarat Road in Bangkok’s Chinatown Sun issued a famous speech claiming “overseas Chinese were the mother of the revolution”. Yaowarat road would later be commemorated as Sun Yat Sen Street. In 1905 Sun Yat-sen went to Singapore and merged his Xinzhongwei with the Guangfuhui “restoration society” and a few other smaller groups to form the Tongmenghui. Sun then created the three principles of the people: Minzu “nationalism”, minquan “democracy” and minsheng “welfare”. With Minzu, Sun sought national independence, as during his time China was under threat from imperialist powers. China needed to break the unequal treaties and harmonize the differing peoples of the nation. This led to the development of the Five races under one Union: Han, Mongol, Tibetan, Manchu and Muslim. For Minquan, he sought for the people to have real say in governance, and for Minsheng he sought for the government to take care of its peoples needs.  The Tongmenghui rapidly grew, finding support all over the world. With this rapid growth came more and more uprisings. On December 1st of 1907, Sun led an uprising in Zhennanguan against the Qing forces at the Friendship Pass. If you remember all the way back to when we were covering the Franco wars in indochina, the Friendship Pass is the border of China-Vietnam In Guangxi-Lang Son provinces. The uprising failed after 7 days of fighting, but Sun never gave up. In 1907 he launched more failed uprisings such as the Huanggang uprising, the Huizhou seven women lake uprising and Qinzhou uprising. In 1908 even more came, the Qin-lian uprising and Hekou uprising. And these were those backed by Sun Yat-Sen, there was a hell of a lot more going on such as the Great Ming Uprising in 1903, the Ping-liu-li uprising, the Anqing uprising. Then in 1910 Sun unleashed the second Guangzhou uprising, seeing a few hundred revolutionaries break into the residence of the Qing viceroy of Guangdong and Guangxi provinces. This one was initially pretty successful,but the Qing gathered forces and turned the tide of battle. 72 revolutionaries out of 86 dead bodies were identified and revered as the 72 martyrs. To say revolutionary fever was at an all time high is an understatement. China was about to change forever, in the year 1911. I would like to take this time to remind you all that this podcast is only made possible through the efforts of Kings and Generals over at Youtube. Please go subscribe to Kings and Generals over at Youtube and to continue helping us produce this content please check out www.patreon.com/kingsandgenerals. If you are still hungry after that, give my personal channel a look over at The Pacific War Channel at Youtube, it would mean a lot to me. The Qing government was in full panic mode. Too much damage had been dealt to the empire, China had lost face. To quell the outside world she signed humiliating treaties, but to quell her own people, now that was more challenging. The old ways gradually fell to new policies, but can an old dog learn new tricks?